Ending Violence in Bawku: A Roadmap to Safeguarding Ghana’s Democracy


15 May
0

Ending Violence in Bawku: A Roadmap to Safeguarding Ghana’s Democracy

Introduction

Once known for its vibrant central market and cross-border trade in the Upper East Region, Bawku has now become synonymous with ethnic conflict, curfews, and armed youth violence. While the roots of the conflict lie in chieftaincy and ethnic tension between the Kusasi and Mamprusi, the current phase of instability reveals a dangerous evolution of youth radicalisation, largely driven by ‘economic hopelessness’ and entrenched cultural allegiances. Alarmingly, the conflict has expanded from inter-ethnic disputes into an organised crime scenario, with youth brazenly targeting security personnel.

Situated near Burkina Faso, still reeling from a military coup and Togo, where political tensions simmer, Bawku’s fragile state makes it a potential recruitment pool for armed militias and extremist groups in the Sahel. The fear that it may become a foothold for transnational terrorism is not an exaggeration.

 

History of the Bawku Conflict

The Bawku conflict traces back to the 1950s. However, the first major outbreak occurred in 1980 when a Mamprusi chief was reinstated under a new government. Violence escalated, prompting government intervention and the declaration of Bawku as a security zone. Despite intermittent peace efforts, especially under Rawlings’ PNDC regime and later during the Kufuor administration, the core chieftaincy dispute remains unresolved.

In 2001, with the NPP’s ascent to power, perceived as aligned with Mamprusi interests, tensions reignited. The 2007–2008 period marked one of the bloodiest chapters following disputes over the funeral rites of a Kusasi chief. These events led to mass displacement, indefinite curfews, and military deployment. Though violence subsided for a period, since 2021, Bawku has seen a renewed and deadlier wave of conflict, with more brazen attacks and widespread fear.

 

Economic “Hopelessness”

Bawku is no longer just a hotspot for localised ethnic violence, it is a ticking time bomb, shaped by economic despair and cultural allegiance. Curfews, roadblocks, and frequent shootouts have devastated local economic life. Trade has plummeted as long-distance traders shun the area. Night-time commerce, a lifeline for many, is banned. Schools have shut down, and daily life is gripped by fear.

This paints a deeper crisis, one that directly threatens Ghana’s democratic fabric. Democracy thrives on inclusion, justice, and equal opportunity. Therefore, when young people, in the absence of jobs, education, or a functioning civic life, become foot soldiers for ethnic militias, then the very pillars of democratic governance participation, the rule of law, and human rights begin to erode.

According to Freedom House, Ghana has consistently been rated as a “Free” country from 2016 to 2024, maintaining strong scores in political rights and civil liberties. However, the Bawku crisis poses a clear risk to that standing. If left unaddressed, the conflict could contribute to democratic backsliding by undermining the rule of law through the normalisation of violence, eroding trust in state institutions and the security apparatus, and increasing the politicisation of ethnic identities, all of which weaken national unity.

 

The Otumfuo Peace and Mediation Committee

The Otumfuo Committee of Eminent Chiefs was formed around 2001–2002 during the Kufuor administration to engage both the Kusasi and Mamprusi factions, understand their historical grievances, and propose a roadmap to peace. Despite the committee’s noble intentions and moral authority, the Bawku conflict continues to prove more complex than expected.

The expectation that the peace process led by Asantehene Otumfuo Osei Tutu II will ultimately bring lasting stability to the area seems a bit misplaced because if the committee was never able to resolve the conflict in the past due to various dynamics such as the perceived view that the Asantehene’s involvement as an external imposition, or the issue of mistrust because each side accused the other of receiving support from opposing political parties, what is the guarantee that the new peace process led by the same Asantehene will ultimately bring lasting stability as expressed by President John Mahama.

 

Recommendations for Advocacy

Promote Long-Term Social and Economic Development

Development must go hand in hand with democracy. Initiatives that foster social cohesion, especially those that bring together youth from opposing ethnic groups, can strengthen civic identity over ethnic loyalty, laying the groundwork for inclusive democratic participation.

Promote Dialogue and Reconciliation

We must establish platforms for inclusive dialogue that involve youth, women, traditional leaders, and state actors. These conversations must prioritise truth-telling and reconciliation and be rooted in democratic values of participation and equal voice. Democracy cannot thrive when large segments of the population are silenced by division.

 

Strengthen Local Governance and Accountability

It is also important to encourage the decentralization of decision-making by empowering local government structures to respond to the conflict and community needs. Transparent, accountable local governance enhances citizens’ trust in the democratic process and reduces the appeal of informal power structures like militias or chieftaincy-based factions.

 

Conclusion

Ending violence in Bawku is not just about restoring peace in one region, it is about safeguarding the democratic integrity of Ghana. A nation once hailed as a beacon of democracy in Africa cannot allow a regional conflict to spiral into a national security and governance crisis.

The road to peace lies not in military curfews, but in economic empowerment, education, and inclusive governance. Ghana’s democracy, its international standing, and the future of its youth depend on the actions we take today.

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *